Saturday, September 23, 2006

Passing it on

Gerard Baker begins his article on an airfield in Afghanistan waiting for a German aircraft that will not come. The sun is going down, and the German government has fobidden its airmen to fly at night. He is back in Europe then to watch European governments wriggle out of any real commitment in Afghanistan before hopping over to New York to see Jacques Chirac break the European front against Iran's nuclear ambitions.

He concludes:

Opposing the war in Iraq was one thing, defensible in the light of events. But opting out of a serious fight against the Taleban, sabotaging efforts to get Iran off its path towards nuclear status, pre-emptively cringing to Muslim intolerance of free speech and criticism, all suggest something quite different.

They imply a slow but insistent collapse of the European will, the steady attrition of the self-preservation instinct. Its effects can be seen not only in the political field, but in other ways — the startling decline of birth rates across the continent that represent a sort of self-inflicted genocide; the refusal to confront the harsh realities of a global economy.
Norm finds this step from practical political questions to issues of civilisational life and death 'bizarre' and 'excessive'.
Declining birth rates are nothing whatsoever like genocide of any sort, and in my book not even a matter for mild concern; the world isn't short of people.
The use of the word 'genocide' does seem a little over the top, but I think I can guess why Baker used it. It was not that he was imagining that Germany would have no Germans, or Italy no Italians, though the projected decline in those populations is verging on catastrophic. I'd say he had in mind the enfeeblement of a culture so that it is no longer capable of sustaining itself, or even grafting itself onto new stock.

There are several ways in which this can happen. Firstly, the group (be it a social class, or ethnic group, country or alliance) that is the originator of that culture no longer believes in it, has little knowledge of it or confidence in it or themselves. A vibrant culture is one that is transmitted to others, especially the succeeding generations. Though it is mainly children for whom and by whom this transmission is made, it is by no means the only way. Other groups and classes can join or be 'converted'. A huge example of this is the technology created in these islands in the 18th and 19th Centuries and the philosophy that went with it, adopted to some degree all round the world. Or Italian music of the 17th and 18th Centuries. There are many examples, going under various names, such a cultural influence, imperialism or progress.

But what if on the part of the 'transmitter', there is a lack of belief, knowledge and confidence (potency), while on the part of the potential 'receiver' reception is blocked? Is this not the danger that Baker is referring to? Not to mince words, the presence in the most important European countries of a sizeable group, Muslims, that rejects the fundamental tenets of those societies?

A group that is, moreover, gaining rapidly in demographic terms on the host group. This is the importance of population decline in the current context. A twentieth of the country's people that reject its laws and customs is a social problem. A third or a half that do so is a completely different country. Quantity becomes quality.

It is about survival, one of those basic questions that progressives always assume to have been resolved and conservatives always end up sounding silly about. The question is not just, what do you leave behind? It's also, who do you leave it with? Those who will/can develop and pass it on in their turn (firstly to their children, then to others), or those who will only abuse it or are incapable of using it. It's like not being able to defend yourself - others may do it, but only for as long as it suits them. What suits you has become irrelevant. You can't be counted (on) any more. You don't count any more.

Friday, September 22, 2006

18 Doughty Street

18DoughtyStreet Talk TV will be "Britain’s first political Internet TV Channel".

At the heart of the station will be a website of blogs and daily votes. Comments left on the blogs will shape the content of the programmes. The daily votes will help determine which news stories headline every programme.

We’ll be talking about what’s really being discussed in the pubs and clubs, not what the metropolitan elite think ought to be discussed. We’ll be using our blogs to set our agenda, not focus groups.
I must confess I find this difficult to imagine, and the trailer's attempt at slick slogany presentation doesn't help in the least. I'm not sick to death of TV news; I don't watch television, and it is difficult to be fed up with something for which you feel only indifference. Nevertheless, 18 Doughty Street may be the start of something new. Blogs have already broken the grip on news-delivery of a generation inculcated with the prejudices and vices of the Left. The same should happen for TV and it is entirely fitting that it happen via the Web.

18 Doughty Street starts broadcasting for 4 hours a night, Monday to Thursday, on the 10th of October. Programmes will be streamed and then available for download.

Books for Iraq

This seems a place worth sending your pennies to. To finance the purchase and delivery of pharmaceutical books for Iraq. One of the founders is Anthony Cox of Blacktriangle.

Thursday, September 21, 2006

Al-Dura trial

Nidra Poller gives a detailed report of the Al-dura trial in Paris. I wrote about this here.

Big no-news event in New York

2,000 people march against the Iraq War. Big news. Big coverage.

35,000 march against Ahmadinejad and for Israel. No news.

Meryl Yourish has the story that doesn't make the news. Atlas Shrugs has the photos.

(via Instapundit)

Perspective on Iraq (from Italy)

Below is a translation of a post from the forum 'Italians' on the Corriere della Sera site. The writer, Alex Garattoni, addresses his thoughts to Beppe Severgnini, a famous journalist and writer, ex-Italian correspondent of The Economist and moderator of the forum.

In your reply to MTC, you maintain that the Italy of 1945 was different from the Iraq of today because then "there weren't Shi'ites and Sunnis mauling each other". Humph, technically, bang on, there were no Shi'ites and Sunnis around then...but, we had communists, ex-fascists, partisans, whites, Actionists, Titoist partisans, monarchists, republicans, etc. And they weren't mauling each other? I beg to differ.

Until 1948, Italy was much worse than today's Iraq, with many more deaths. Just think of the foibe [sinkholes in the Kras region, shared by Italy and Slovenia - Tito's forces when they entered Venezia Giulia and Dalmatia in 1943 slaughtered an unknown number of people (from 2,000 to 20,000) and threw the bodies into the foibe], or what my region (Emilia-Romagna) did to deserve the nickname Triangle of Death. This went on at a lower level of intensity, what with a fascist outrage here and a communist reprisal there, a murder or three ... you could say it went on until the fall of the Berlin Wall. It took 8 years, from Italy's entrance into the war in 1940 to the elections in 1948 for some degree of public security to be attained and we'd only had 20 years of dictatorship and had already lived through a form of democracy before that. It's been 3 years in Iraq, after how many years of dictatorship - 30 for Saddam, but he only dethroned another dictator. What would they even know of political pluralism? Without considering the natural aversion of Islamic cultures to any tolerance of those who think differently about anything? If we look at things as they are, we realise that it would have been impossible to pacify Iraq in 3 years. How long have we got there?

Ask yourself what would have happened, in 1945, the war barely over, if the Anglo-American forces had abandoned us to our fate. My hypothesis: after years of civil war, we would have ended up in the hands of the Soviets.

Wednesday, September 20, 2006

Male Restroom Etiquette

This is essential viewing. What's more, it's educational. Watch, memorise and put into practice. (If you are female, instruct, test and regularly review with him.)



(Thanks to Bercepundit)

No more war on terror

I have only now got round to reading the cover article from the September Atlantic Monthly in which James Fallows tells us that it is time for the US to "declare victory" in the War on Terror. Not that he thinks that terrorism is done for. It is rather that he thinks that it can be better fought and at less loss for ourselves if we cease to look upon it as a war.

I have always thought that was the wrong word to use - it gave too much credit to the enemy. They are neither the Nazis with their military might nor the Soviets with similar muscle and a seemingly viable social alternative. The Jihadis are misfits, inadequates, carriers of a mentality that cannot adjust to modernity and so resort to crime. And that's how they should be treated, a social problem that requires every now and then (armed) 'police' action. However, the biggest push should be on other fronts: the intellectual, the political and the other 'soft' arts of domination. In the meantime, we could get off the train that is hurtling through our social space, accept that there will be further outrages, but not live our lives just to avert them.

In any case, I'll just reprint here Fallows' main points (given in an interview).

First, what we went to war to avenge—and prevent—was a large-scale, devastating, indiscriminate, civilian-slaughtering attack on our homeland. Al-Qaeda's errors and internal friction, along with the efforts of the U.S.—yes, the Bush Administration—and its allies, have made this kind of attack much less likely. (The exception, of course, is the risk of rogue nuclear weapons—but we can undertake an all-out effort to contain that specific risk.) Therefore, the U.S. could plausibly declare "mission accomplished" about the original cause of war.

Second, the real strategic threat from al-Qaeda is its ability to provoke us toward actions that hurt us in the long run. (See: war in Iraq.) This, by the way, was a point I had not focused on before doing the reporting, but which ran through many of the interviews.

Third, we are most likely to avoid overreaction—and to continue the long-term efforts to win the "war of ideas"—if we move off a wartime footing. For reasons I lay out in the piece, an open-ended war makes it harder to do a lot of things we should do, and makes it more likely that we'll make strategic mistakes.

While I'm not sure that the war in Iraq was entirely a mistake, I certainly do agree that al-Queda's (or the Islamists') only real weapon is what they can provoke us into doing. This is probably the maim point of Fallows' article.

One further point he makes.
The attack of 9/11 cost at most $500,000 to launch and provoked more than $500 billion in military and security spending by the United States; a million-to-one “payoff” [to al-Queda].

The life of Lieuwe, the son of Theo Van Gogh

Tuesday, September 19, 2006

Another reaction

From Spiegel Online.

Consider an example from Denmark. Recently, a paper there published a number of rather tasteless Holocaust cartoons which had been shown in Tehran. The reaction of Copenhagen's rabbi was instructive when considered against the bloody response to the Muhammad cartoons -- outrage which ended up costing lives. When asked if he would call for protests, the rabbi merely said: "You know, I've seen worse."